Making Major Decisions at Thunder Bay City Council-Part II

 

As noted in the previous post, the last few weeks at Thunder Bay City Council have been busy with three major decisions of particular note: not approving changes to council composition, approving the Kam River Heritage Park site as the location for a temporary village of tiny homes to address homelessness and finally, not shutting down the County Park location and adding Intercity Mall as the location for a new more centralized library.  These were particularly thorny issues to deal with on several fronts and my take is that the correct decision was made in two out of the three cases.  In the last post, I provided my thoughts on the two decisions I think City council got right: sticking with the status quo on council composition and not putting a large new central library in the Intercity Mall.  However, on the third decision – going ahead with the Kam River site for the tiny homes project- I beg to differ.  However, there may yet be a silver lining to the decision made if it is truly a transitional decision and time it buys used to bring about long term social and geared to income housing.

After several other tries at establishing a tiny homes village first on Miles Street (which is separate from another project by Alpha Court), then in Intercity, and then on Cumberland Street, the nod has now been given to the Kam River Heritage site – for now.  This has been somewhat of a merry go round in terms of location selection. There is still another meeting for final ratification, however, and this location decision has been made and reversed before. However, my feeling is given the cycling across locations, City Council will stick with this final choice if only to avoid further eroding their credibility. 

This has been a charged and emotional issue given the need to address the homeless problem and the presence of tent encampments under third world conditions.   There are also the many concerns as what the impacts of such a village will be on adjacent residences and businesses.  And to be fair, this is not just Thunder Bay’s problem, but the provincial and federal government’s problem given there are homeless encampments across the province and the country.

In the end, several reasons were advanced as to why the Kam River site should be selected including proximity to essential services, the fact the area already houses an encampment, and that it is in keeping with the City’s strategic plan.  After numerous delays, there is also a sense of urgency to put the project in place to not jeopardize provincial funding though making decisions to just get the money is never sound public policy.

However, a key concern raised has been safety of the residents given the proximity to water and rail tracks with the prospect of drownings up front and center.   The City Manager commented that “You can drown in six inches of water like you can drown in 12 feet of water. The depth is not really the consequential issue. It's clearly delineating it, making people understand the risks, and putting in some prevention measures."  This somewhat less than sensitive response in the wake of recent history along our waterways also omits the reality that a drowning is a drowning whether in six inches or 12 feet of water and if it is a municipally run village on city land there will inevitably be additional liability issues.  Safety is a big issue with this site.

As well, even with these tiny homes, encampments will still not be eliminated as the tiny home village is part of a city homelessness plan that includes three approved encampment sites. Also not addressed as a concern is the reality that this plan  - unlike the other sites considered - puts the tiny village essentially out of sight and out of mind by locating it where it will not be easily seen.  This will be a problem given that the project is supposed to run for only five years as “permanent” solutions are brought into play.  However, if the problem disappears from public view, it will be difficult down the road to generate the attention and the resources for permanent solutions.  The risk of hiding the problem is that long term solutions will go onto the back burner.

Then there is the cost.  According to the media reports, Thunder Bay will spend $5.5 million to construct an 80-unit "tiny home" village, with the province contributing $2.8 million of that, and has targeted operating costs for the first year at $1.5 million. So, over the five-year span of the project, the total cost for 80 units based on these numbers will be close to 13 million dollars.  Given the history of public sector capital projects at the public sector level in Thunder Bay, one can certainly expect cost overruns in the building and operation of these tiny homes.  Hamilton (always my favourite example) has also erected a “temporary” village to house its growing homeless population with the cost for 40 units (80 beds) originally forecast at $2.8 million but that has ballooned to $7.9 million or about $100,000 per bed.  Operating costs annually are apparently going to be $40,000 per bed. 

Is this a problem?  Well, in the case of Thunder Bay, think about it this way. Spending $13 million for 80 tiny units over five years works out to $162,500 per unit – or $32,500 annually. Thunder Bay is currently undergoing an apartment building spree financed by federal and provincial housing money which is increasing the supply of rental units but not necessarily increasing the stock of affordable housing because two-bedroom units in these new build apartments are going for as much as $2500 per month. At $2,500 per month, the annual rent is $30,000 per year.  Essentially, for the same amount of money, the City of Thunder Bay could simply house up to 160 homeless people in new existing two bedroom apartments for the next five years in very nice lodgings.  If older buildings at somewhat lower rents were put into the mix, then you could house even more homeless people.

Of course, this modest proposal of a solution is not going to happen. One suspects that current rental accommodation landlords in Thunder Bay are not terribly interested in helping solve the city’s homeless population problem in a manner that might affect the value of their investments or the building environment of their current mix of tenants.  This does however lead to what I think the longer-term solution could be. 

Given the private sector does not appear to be either capable or willing to provide new build affordable housing and given the amount of money that is being spent simply for tiny homes, there can be a public sector role in longer term housing solutions.  There needs to be more social housing – administered by the district of Thunder Bay Social Services Administration Board (DSSAB) and funded by the City of Thunder Bay, the Provincial and the Federal governments with local groups (such as Alpha Court as well as Indigenous organizations) in partnership.  The partnership approach is key and has been noted by others.  Small apartment style buildings providing social housing and geared to income units need to be built in multiple locations throughout the city with city owned and other public land in the downtown cores and city being possible locations.

Again, as outlined in a much earlier blog post, a good model here is Finland which has through the building of social housing complexes that provide places to live and a fixed address for those requiring access to government services dramatically rescued its homeless population. As I have noted, “People who are homeless need to be housed and housed without questions being asked.  Creating a complex or dispersed network of complexes of transitional emergency housing with very small personal units combined with social support such as a community kitchen, social workers and even a nurse practitioner and mental health workers and basic security on site would be one way of dealing with the homelessness crisis.”   And once lives are stabilized in these homes, the next step is placing them in geared to income units.  As far as I am concerned, tiny homes on a riverbank are at best an expensive band-aid solution.  If you are going to be spending tens of millions of dollars, you need to be leveraging that money into permanent solutions, not stop gaps.  True, the social housing approach is seen as more expensive, but it is more likely to solve the problem rather than dilute or obscure it.  Moreover, the tiny homes approach is not exactly cheap either.

Still, these are all complicated questions, and one certainly does not envy the people who must wrestle with them. I suppose getting two out of three decisions right is not a bad score but as my old high school motto would say - Agimus Meliora – let us strive for better things. And doing better in the case of homeless encampments given that the Kam River site is likely a done deal, is to gain redemption by using the next five years to fully implement long term solutions and not hide problems along a riverbank.

 

Making Major Decisions at Thunder Bay City Council-Part I

 

It has been a busy few weeks at Thunder Bay City Council with three major decisions of particular note: not approving changes to council composition, approving the Kam River Heritage Park site as the location for a temporary village of tiny homes to address homelessness and finally, not approving Intercity Mall as the location for a new more centralized library and shutting down the County Park location.  These were particularly thorny issues to deal with on several fronts and my take is that the correct decision was made in two out of the three cases.

First, let us start with council composition.  I have already opined on the shape of councils to come and the long and short is that City Council made the right decision in sticking with the status quo. My reasoning is not that City council might not benefit from a different model but replacing a seven ward and five at large plus mayor model with the proposed four wards with two ward councillors each plus two at large and one mayor did not represent a major improvement to either representation or decision making on municipal issues.  Cost savings from moving to fewer councillors was always a red herring because the few thousand dollars in savings from going to 11 members from 13 was minor and cosmetic given a  combined total capital and operating budget well over half a billion dollars.

The representation issue is more serious in that the proposed model would have essentially subsumed rural interests in Neebing and McIntyre wards and local neighborhood issues would have been lost in the new wards each with a mish mash of rural, urban, industrial and commercial interests.  Having two ward councillors in each of these wards seemed to be an attempt to have council composition resemble a more at-large system without having a fully at large system.  A “Larson” compromise it was not because the rejected model created more problems than it solved.

A fully at large system would in many respects be the least favourable outcome given the reduction in accountability to ratepayers who would no longer have a dedicated ward councillor.  That is a major problem with any fully at large system given that residential ratepayers foot 70 percent of the operating budget tax bill.  The partial at-large system being proposed created a more complicated set of representation problems for ward councillors while at the same time confusing who was responsible for the ward by providing two councillors who each could behave as an at-large ward councillor if they wished to avoid more pedestrian local issues.  And in terms of the desire for change and “cost savings”, informal surveys suggested an eight member council plus Mayor  was desired by the public rather than what was advanced even though again the cost savings here would be relatively minor.

As noted in my previous post, the public desire rightly or wrongly favored a smaller council of eight plus a mayor and “Going down to eight councillors plus a mayor would likely save several hundred thousand dollars – again a small sum compared to a budget in the hundreds of millions – but enough to increase resources available to perhaps attract better candidates. This does not necessarily mean raising salaries for councillors but could even involve providing funds so that they can hire some independent research support so they can better inform themselves on issues.”  This option but as an eight-ward and not all at large model plus a mayor would have been my preferred option.  However, this model was never on the table and after the time spent of this process, council composition is off the table for many years to come.

Second, the nixing of the Intercity library location.  The current CEO of the Thunder Bay Public Library is rather energetic and persistent as  this was the second attempt to foster change and bring about a central library at Intercity Mall.  However, as can be the case with leaders who believe they see things that others do not, you cannot take people where they do not want to go.  Moreover, closing a neighborhood library (County Park which is indeed in a neighborhood shopping mall) to provide a more centralized location in the Intercity shopping area where no one really lives – is not necessarily a service enhancement.  While it may on the surface appear to be a more accessible and convenient location, for families with kids, heading to the library becomes more of a destination event rather than part of a routine.  Moreover, the focus on having a large, centralized facility is at odds with the dispersed nature of Thunder Bay.  It might work but it is an expensive experiment and the cost of the project – even with contributions from the mall owners – were substantial and not likely to be fully recouped on the operating side from closing the County Park branch.

But there is more.  The informal sentiment in Thunder Bay – and not mine - is that books are very 20^th century and that indeed you might want to look at having fewer libraries rather than more.  I see that sentiment as a more North American affectation given that if you go to Europe, bookstores and libraries with hard copy books still proliferate (try visiting Dublin).  It is possible that in years to come, books will indeed enjoy a renaissance as the inevitable reaction against e-books and technology and a desire for retro sets in.  If future libraries with books and electronic media that function as information and communication centers (rather than community hubs) eventually have a renaissance, the case can oddly enough be made that Thunder Bay is “under libraried”.  That is, Thunder Bay could probably use a system with more small and dispersed libraries but not necessarily a system that concentrates resources at a few locations.

For example, the Hamilton, Ontario CMA with a population of about 785,000 people in 2021, has a City of Hamilton library system consisting of one central library in its downtown, 22 branch libraries of varying sizes, and a book mobile.  However, the CMA also includes Grimsby (one library) and Burlington (seven libraries) Put another way, 32 library locations for a population of nearly 800,000 people.  The Thunder Bay CMA with a population in 2021 of 123,000 has four libraries.  Based on the population and total number of municipal public libraries in the Hamilton CMA of 785,000 to 32, Thunder Bay’s 123,000 CMA population should have 5 municipal public libraries rather than 4.

At first glance this seems to support the case for a library at the Intercity area given that there are already four branches in existence.  However, I would argue that there is a better case for six smaller libraries - none of which would be in Intercity.  Thunder Bay’s current library system is rooted in a population distribution that comes from its history as two cities.  So, there are two large central libraries and two smaller neighborhood libraries.  The downtown Brodie and Waverly locations in a sense are too large given that over 75 years population has moved away from the core areas.

What might work better is six libraries each about the size of a County Park or Mary JL Black.  So, what this might suggest is a downsizing and refurbishment of the two downtown branches – Brodie and Waverly – in terms of their collections with each having a collection about the size of a MJLB/County Park.  Furthermore, one would house the archives/reference section and the other library admin and storage (which is not far from current reality).  Two new smaller branches would be put in place – one somewhere in the Northwood area or perhaps Parkdale and the other in the Current River area.  Essentially a system with smaller branch libraries providing more neighborhood access.  Can this work? Maybe? Will it happen? Not likely.  Capital costs are capital costs whether for small, dispersed facilities or larger centralized ones.  One cannot discern any appetite for major new capital library projects in Thunder Bay given the focus is on recreation facilities. 

Next post - Conclusion.

 

 

 

Federal Platforms, Costing and Fiscal Sustainability

 

The two main federal parties have released their platforms and costing and inevitability the question of whether their fiscal programs are sustainable emerges.  Trevor Tombe at The Hub has already weighed in on the Liberal platform and notes that it “marks a clear break from the government’s previous approach to fiscal policy and proposes to move Canada onto a less sustainable track.” The Liberal Platform essentially adds $225 billion in deficits to Federal debt.  More specifically, Tombe notes that: “marks a clear break from the government’s previous approach to fiscal policy and proposes to move Canada onto a less sustainable track.”  The Conservatives have also released their platform with costing and they have no plans to balance the budget either and will be adding about $100 billion to the federal debt over the next four years. 

The question that arises is whether these additions to the federal debt will make federal finances unsustainable.  The answer to this is of course dependent on what your definition of sustainability is and what the growth rate of the economy is projected to be.  The latter is a big uncertain variable given that there is trade upheaval underway with the United States and much of the increase in projected spending deals with addressing the trade upheaval and associate issues such as national security.  As for the definition of sustainability, it depends. If your benchmark for sustainability is a good credit rating on federal debt and being able to meet the debt service costs relatively easily, then both platforms are easily sustainable for the foreseeable future.

However, public finance economists have a somewhat more discerning measure that is tied to the debt to GDP ratio.  In other words, if the debt to GDP ratio is flat or falling, then the fiscal course of the public finances is sustainable.  On the other hand, if it is rising, then it is not sustainable.  So, to examine sustainability using these measures, Figures 1 and 2 plot three scenarios (Baseline taken from the Liberal Platform, the Liberal Platform and Conservative Platform). I am going to take all their numbers at face value and not get into whether projected revenues or cost savings are realistic. Having said that, the results are dependent on the rate of growth of GDP.  For each scenario, the deficits going forward from 2025-26 to 2028-29 are added to federal net debt with 2024-25 set at $1.396 trillion. Meanwhile, GDP in 2024-25 is set at 3.173 trillion. 

Going forward, the growth rates for GDP are one of two scenarios.  Figure 1 plots the estimates with an assumption of nominal GDP growth annually at 4 percent.  This is a relatively optimistic scenario all things given but not unreasonable even in the wake of the recent IMF revisions to their forecasts which reduced Canadian real GDP growth for the next two years to 1.4 and 1.6 percent.  If inflation stays at 2 percent, we are looking at nominal growth ranging from 3.4 to 3.6 percent. Figure 2 however, reduces nominal GDP growth to 3 percent annually going forward and  at 2 percent inflation yjis translates to 1 percent real annual growth. 

 

 

The results show that at 4 percent nominal GDP growth, the Baseline and Conservative platform paths both show a declining net debt to GDP ratio.  The Liberal platform at 4 percent growth is essentially stable for the next couple of years and then turns down ever so slightly.  Of the three scenarios, one would expect the Liberal platform is the one that is most sensitive to lower GDP growth and that is indeed borne out in Figure 2.  With 3 percent growth, the baseline scenario reveals at upward shift in the net debt to GDP ratio for 2025-26 and then a decline making it sustainable going forward.  The Conservative net debt to GDP ratio remains on a downward trend even with lower growth.  However, the Liberal net debt to GDP ratio going forward is clearly not on a sustainable path going forward though one may of course quibble that going from 44 to 45.4 percent over five years is hardly the end of the world.  However, should there be a recession later this year and into next year, all these scenarios will be worse.

 

 

So, it appears that even with all the spending being proposed, the federal public finances do not appear to be on a widely out of control path going forward whatever party forms the government. However, strictly speaking, some scenarios based on these assumptions are more sustainable than others.

Tariffs and Thunder Bay's Economy: Not as Bad as One Might Expect

 

As the Trump Tariff and Trade War continues, the impact on economies across Canada is front and centre in most minds.  Despite most of the national doom and gloom, my initial take on the impact of tariffs and the trade war in of the potential impact on the Thunder Bay economy was relatively optimistic.  As noted in my January 13^th, 2025, post:

“In the case of northern Ontario, the short-term effects will be mitigated by public sector activity.  For example, in major urban centres like Thunder Bay and Sudbury, a lot of employment is already either directly public sector or is based on economic activity from government contracts.  For example, Thunder Bay is in the midst of a construction boom driven by government housing money and a new provincial jail, and its transit car manufacturing just received another government funding boost.  The long-term is another matter if the country and province go into recession.”

It appears that this assessment is now being backed up by the Conference Board of Canada in their April 7^th release Major City Insights Thunder Bay which can be summarized by their overview title that the “Area may avoid worst of tariff fallout.”  It is not that tariff do not pose a risk to Thunder Bay’s economy - and that risk is largest in the city and region’s forest sector - but as the Conference Board report notes “Forestry seems the region’s industry most exposed to U.S. tariffs. This is perversely fortunate, since softwood lumber has long been subject to U.S. trade “remedies,” so local producers are well-versed in dealing with them.’

Nevertheless, growth of real GDP is expected to decline from their fall forecast for 2025 of 1.7 percent to 1.3 percent while 2026 is expected to see 0.6 percent real GDP growth.  Much as was noted several months ago: “The city will be somewhat insulated from tariff effects by its relatively large (broadly defined) public service, by ongoing construction of Thunder Bay’s $1.2-billion jail, and by manufacturing work on GO Transit rail cars.” If anything, I would expect more serious blows to the economy moving beyond 2026 given that construction on the jail is going to wind up, the prospects for regional lithium mining are more problematic in the wake of the decline in demand for electric cars and their batteries, and migration to the region from reduced federal immigration targets will hit both our post-secondary and housing sectors. Indeed, it has already hit Confederation College.

If one looks at employment changes from 2024 to 2026 based on the Conference Board estimates (See Figure 1), overall employment will be remarkably stable at about 65,000 jobs but there will be some sectoral impacts.  The direct impact of US tariffs will be primarily on our primary and manufacturing sectors and one can expect to see a total of 500 jobs lost here.  However, there is also an impact on wholesale and retail trade from the reduction in economic activity amounting to nearly 800 jobs lost followed by some job losses in education, public administration and other services.  However, there are expected to be employment gains in accommodation and food services, arts entertainment and recreation, healthcare and social assistance, transport and warehousing and construction. Overall, the losses pretty much balance out with the gains for total employment to remain in 2026 roughly where it was in 2024 and 2025.

 

 

However, the increase in accommodation and food services may be an underestimate and the decline for wholesale and retail trade an overestimate because of the shift in national and local travel patterns.  Thunder Bay might well expect to see an increase in domestic tourism visits this year as Canadians shift travel away from the United States and to domestic locations.  As well, fewer Thunder Bay residents are crossing the border at Pigeon River into the United States mirroring an ongoing national trend that has seen a significant decline especially in land border crossings into the United States.  

As Figure 2 reveals, using data for March across consecutive years, Canadian plated vehicles entering Canada at Pigeon River had begun to recover from the pandemic drop.  Over 12,000 vehicles a month returned to Canada in the months of March prior to the pandemic.  By March of 2024, the March total had recovered to just under 10,000 vehicles and for 2025 might have been expected to approach pre pandemic totals even with the decline in our dollar.  However, for March 2025 relative to the March previous there was a 34 percent drop to 6,159.  If more people in the region are spending their dollars at home, this will serve to boost the local food and retail sector somewhat mitigating the effects of tariffs.

 

 

So, will tariffs influence Thunder Bay’s economy?  Yes, there will be some employment loss, but accompanied by gains in other sectors with  the net effects at this point looking like total employment will remain stable.  However, one can expect the cost of living to rise as tariffs make everything more expensive.  In the long run, it is really anyone’s guess what will happen.  But if there is an increasing east-west orientation to Canada’s economy that requires more east-west transport infrastructure such as new pipelines and more east-west shipping of goods, expect to see Thunder Bay well positioned to take advantage of that.

 

Thunder Bay’s Port: The Renaissance of The East-West Connection

 

The Port of Thunder Bay is hosting its annual opening of Navigation Luncheon tomorrow and there is indeed much to celebrate moving into the future even given the current turbulence of the international economic environment.  The port has long been a key piece of infrastructure for Thunder Bay’s economy and is really the main reason that Thunder Bay exists.  Thunder Bay or "The Lakehead" as it was more commonly known was the transshipment point on the east-west economic axis erected by Canadian Confederation and the subsequent national policies that put through a railway linking the agricultural production of the west with the manufacturing production of the east.   

Thunder Bay exists in its current incarnation because of Canada and Canada in turn requires  Thunder Bay as a transport hub.  The role of the port was key in the east-west flow that defined Canada after Confederation.  The chief export product flowing through the Lakehead twin-ports of Port Arthur and Fort William was of course prairie grain but over time there was a diversification into other products though grain was always by far the most important product shipped.  At the peak of the grain trade, dozens of grain elevators lined Thunder Bay’s waterfront and thousands of people worked in either the railways, the grain elevators or the port.

Of course, change has been constant when it comes to the Port of Thunder Bay. And nowhere is that change more evident than in the data compiled and available through the Port Authority itself.  Figure 1 plots total tonnes of cargo from 1952 to 2023 with a polynomial trend fitted. Total tonnes of cargo peaked in 1983, and the port then underwent a decline in total cargo shipped.  Much of this decline was due to a reorientation of the grain trade away from traditional European markets to the Asia-Pacific region which generated more activity for grain facilities in Vancouver and Prince Rupert.  However, as Figure 2 illustrates, it was not just a decline in grain that affected the port but also the end of iron ore mining at Steep Rock in Atikokan as well as the phasing out of coal.  Indeed, as Figure 3 illustrates, grain as a share of total cargo became even more important over time with the linear trend showing an increase from 60 percent of cargo in the mid twentieth century to over 80 percent by the present.

 

 

 

 

 

What is also notable in these charts is that since the start of the 21^st century, the Port of Thunder Bay has seen a recovery and activity is generally on an upward trend.  While activity is still well removed from the peaks of the early 1980s, the Port of Thunder Bay is poised to increase its role in Canada’s transportation network.  It is probably a coincidence but the decline of the port’s activity in the 1980s also paralleled the increasing north-south orientation of Canada’s economy in the wake of first the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement (1988) and later its NAFTA and CUSMA successors.  However, with the continental economic relationship with the United States under stress and a push to remove inter-provincial trade barriers and increase east-west economic activity within Canada, Thunder Bay and its port are well poised to again build on its historical role as the east-west transportation hub.  Thunder Bay and its port exist because of Canada’s east-west economic orientation and anything that strengthens that link will inevitably benefit the Port of Thunder Bay.  What is good for Canada, is good for Thunder Bay.

 

Rising Life Expectancy: A Human Success Story

 

With the constant barrage of negative news over the last few months, its time for some good news.  One of the great success stories of human achievement has been the increase in life expectancy at birth.  Once upon a time, as Thomas Hobbes wrote, the natural condition of mankind was “nasty, brutish and short” and one should emphasize the short part. And this shortness of life had been the normal situation for centuries.  What is a substantial achievement is the increase in life expectancy at birth over the course of two centuries because of improvements in nutrition and public health as part of a process of economic development and economic growth.  While improvements in medical care have been a factor, these other factors were much more important initially particularly as they reduced the high rates of child mortality. Anyone familiar with 19th century Canadian census data knows that at one time half of deaths were children under age five that were carried away by an assortment of maladies that today are in the distant past.

If one goes to Our World in Data and checks out the life expectancy calculators, one finds that in 1770, average world  life expectancy at birth was a mere 28.5 years.  By 1850, it had risen to 29.3 years and by 1900, 32 years.  By 1960 it had risen to 47.8 years, but a fair amount of divergence had emerged around the world.  For example, in 1900, life expectancy at birth was 42.7 years in Europe and 41.0 in the Americas but only 28.0 years in Asia. By 1960, Europe was at 68.7 years, the Americas at 60.8 and Asia at 41.8 years.  Fast forward to the present, and life expectancy at birth is 79.1 years in Europe, 77.3 years in the Americas and 74.6 years in Asia.  From 1850 to 1900, world life expectancy at birth went from 29.3 to 32 years and by 1960 it reached 47.8 years.  Amazingly, the period since 1960 has added another 25.4 years bringing world life expectancy at birth to 73.2 years.

Of course, the results of broad based economic and social development have played a major role in less developed parts of the world resulting in large gains in life expectancy at birth but even the developed world has seen substantial gains.  Figure 1 plots life expectancy at birth for OECD countries in 1960/61 and 2021/22 (taking the higher of the two-year spread as some years have missing data) and ranks them by life expectancy in 2021/22.  At the top is Japan with a life expectancy at birth for the total population (male and female rates differ) of 84.5 years followed by Switzerland at 83.9 and Korea at 83.6.  Canada ranks 18^th of these 30 countries while Mexico is at the bottom at 75.2 years.  Between these two time points, the average went from 68.7 years to 81.1 years for gain of 12.4 years.

 

 

Figure 2 plots the years of life expectancy at birth gained for these OECD countries between 1960/61 and 2021/22.  At the top are Korea, Turkey (Turkiye), Portugal and Mexico at 31.2, 28.5, 17.9 and 17 years respectively.  At the bottom are the Netherlands, Hungary, the Slovak Republic and the United States at 7.9, 7.1, 6.4 and 6 years respectively.  Canada managed to add 10.3 years to life expectancy at birth over this period which is just a bit below the average of 12.4 years.  The largest gains in years have accrued to countries that were at low points in the early 1960s not only in terms of life expectancy but also economic development. 

 

 

The rapid economic development Korea and Turkey were accompanied by spectacular gains in life expectancy.  Indeed Figure 3 shows the largest gains accrued on average to countries with lower life expectancy in 1960/61 – they simply had more to gain as economic development progressed.  In life expectancy, as in everything else, one expects there are diminishing returns over time.  Nevertheless, the performance of the world’s largest economy, the United States can be seen as a bit disappointing given as a share of GDP it spends the most on health of these OECD countries and ranked 28^th out of 30^th in terms of life expectancy in 2021/22 and dead last in terms of years gained since 1960/61.

 

 

In terms of what accounts for all this differential performance, that is of course a topic for another day.  However, the good news is that the human species during the 20^th century managed to escape from its Hobbesian fate and a child born today particularly in highly developed countries can expect a life expectancy at birth approximately double what was the case in 1900.  Despite all the doom and gloom, we should take that as a win.

Its Springtime in Canada and the Election Promises Come Easy

 

The federal election has taken on a somewhat bi-polar ambiance alternating from existential dread in the face of Trumpian tariff and annexation discourse to the usual vote buying behaviour with what is ultimately taxpayer’s money no matter who wins.  Indeed, the election promises have been coming fast and furious popping up like spring flowers. One might have expected that Canadians were going to get thoughtful proposals on how Canada and Europe might come together in a new economic and security alliance, perhaps with additional links that included Australia, New Zealand and the UK in a new global partnership spanning the Atlantic and Pacific via the Arctic.  This after all is probably one of Canada’s more consequential elections ranking up there with 1911 and 1988 given the focus on our economic relations with the economic behemoth to our south.

For the most part, Canada’s party leaders are not painting a compelling vision of how Canada will make its way in a dangerous and shifting geopolitical world devoid of American leadership over the next quarter of the 21^st century.  For the Conservatives, the campaign has not gone the way they were expecting given their substantial lead has evaporated with the arrival of the new Liberal leader.  The Conservatives seem unable to move beyond the baggage of the Trudeau administration which correctly speaking is indeed also the baggage of the new Liberal leader.  However, the conversation has shifted away from the baggage at the rear of the train to the oncoming Trump tariff freight train and the Conservatives have not pivoted with it. 

The NDP have quickly evaporated with progressive voters shedding them and flocking to what is perceived as the next best progressive hope.  As for the Liberals, they have been saying all the right things in the face of the existential challenge and their leader looks the part but they are short on actual details.  Indeed, there is the contradiction of Mark Carney first intoning that the old relationship with the United States is over and then after a phone meeting with President Trump saying that we will be negotiating a new economic and security relationship with the Americans.  One wonders what kind of new relationship can actually be negotiated with a President and Administration whose positions change like the wind. Indeed, one wonders if the conversation about what will be negotiated was more substantial than revealed?

When the tariff issue heats up as it did last week, it dominates the campaign’s attention.  Come April 2^nd, if the tariffs are again put on hold or are seen as not as severe, the campaigns will again revert to business as usual for Canadian elections as tariffs move into the background.  When not slagging each other’s personal finances or perceived abilities for the top job, the party leaders are hard at work laying the groundwork for a new era of deficit financed election promises.  Along with increased spending, all the parties have apparently seen the light when it comes to tax relief and indeed, they are finally addressing the needs of the lowest income earners. 

The Conservatives have pledged to slash the lowest income tax bracket rate by 2.25 percentage points to 12.75 percent.  And of course, they promise to completely eliminate the carbon tax for both consumers and industry.  The Liberals are not as generous promising only a 1 percentage point reduction down to 14 per cent and taking away the carbon tax only for consumers.  

Not to be outdone, the NDP have gotten into the act by raising the basic personal exemption – for lower income earners only - and removing the GST from an assortment of essentials including diapers.  The Liberals and Conservatives however have their own GST reduction ideas geared towards making housing more affordable by taking the GST off new homes with the point of difference being whether it should apply to homes up to$1 million or $1.3 million – assuming a million-dollar home is in your price range of course.  But, as one famous past cabinet minister in days long gone once purportedly remarked – What’s a million?

All this tax relief will have revenue implications - that at least for the Liberal and Conservative proposals, have been estimated in the six-to-fourteen-billion-dollar range.  While tax relief is welcome, all parties are also promising a lot of other things which require spending more.  And all the right buttons are being pushed depending on the day of the week and the location.   If it’s Windsor, then it is assistance and training for automobile production and workers.  If in Hamilton, support for steel in the fight against tariffs.  Rural Quebec or Saskatchewan means that our price support and regulatory systems for food products are sacrosanct. 

And if in Northern Ontario, make sure to promise an end to the red tape and a $1 billion road to the Ring of Fire to unleash the mineral development potential that has been anticipated there since at least 2007.  Though unlike a certain provincial premier who shall remain nameless, none of the federal party leaders has yet to promise that development will occur even if they have to go up there themselves and ride a bulldozer.  And of course, everyone is going to spend more on the military and the Arctic as well as make sure that robust COVID era style spending supports are available to assist both businesses and workers who might lose their jobs. And we all know how that turned out the last time.

The choice facing Canadians this election is indeed important.  If this was a normal time without the existential threats and geopolitical shifts, the Conservatives would be facing a government that was fairly long in the tooth. The Conservatives would be riding the clamour for change with their mantra that Canada is broken, and that the Trudeau Liberals have given us a lost decade culminating in an affordability crisis.  However, as noted, the ground has shifted, not that things were really that simple before.

The Canada is broken motif is somewhat of a stretch.  Millions of people do not normally immigrate to broken countries; indeed, the converse is usually true.  However, the actual handling of immigration over the last five years can be pinned on the incumbent Liberals.  While not broken, Canada could definitely have worked better on a number of fronts over the last decade particularly when it came to resource sector investments and productivity in general.  And the housing sector affordability and health care crisis has been aggravated by immigration amounts that were not accompanied by adequate investment in those critical areas.

The lost decade motif really depends on what you think has been lost.  If you are of progressive bent and favour government involvement in daily life and the economy and on social issues, then the last decade has not been lost at all. It has been a glorious aspirational triumph that has seen an expansion of the federal civil service, new permanent income supports for children, increased health transfers, school lunch programs and dental services.  On the other hand, if you were hoping for a productivity agenda that boosted business investment and generated rising per capita GDP, efficient management of public services including better health care, then it has been a lost decade.  You can see that there is a pretty strong difference of opinion here.

Of course, as has been wisely noted in this election, it is always easy to criticize and find fault especially if one is devoid of real-world experience like say an ivory tower academic might be.  On the other hand, what do we mean by real world experience?  Do a career politician or maybe even a finance guru - who all are removed from the nuts-and-bolts world of factory floor manufacturing production or a construction site – actually have real world experience?  Our politicians often portray themselves as being experienced with real world issues but in the end their primary skill is being politicians.  And they do not like informed critics, they like cheerleaders.

Even without real world experience, one can still fathom that a sudden mania for tax reductions combined with the ramping up of spending on a plethora of initiatives that have not been vetted for value for money is a harbinger of fiscal danger ahead.   Given the parallel nature of spending and tax initiatives across the major parties, combined with a lack of detail on the Trump tariff file, one is left with the realization that none of the parties probably really know what they are going to do after April 28^th.  How can they, given the mercurial volcano that is Trump? This makes the job of voting this time around even more difficult.  One sometimes envies the voters in Quebec who if faced with unpalatable choices across the three main federal parties, can always opt for the Bloc. 

Somewhere, there is an alternate reality where Canadian voters can vote for a party that combines the NDP spending and social agenda that provides a never-ending cornucopia of public goods, with Conservative managerial rectitude to ensure value for money and a reassuring Liberal technocratic global influencer as Prime Minister.  Alas, we are living in a quite different reality. A lot of spending and tax promises are being made in the heat of this springtime election.  While the easy and hopeful promises of a springtime election are palatable now, the reality is that spring and summer are short in Canada and winter always comes.

 

 

The Rise and Fall of Canadian Cross Border Travel to the United States

 

As the tariff and trade conflict with the United States continues, it has been reported that Canadians have been taking their own individual trade action against the United States by cancelling their trips and visits and taking their tourism dollars elsewhere.  The rather low state of our currency relative to the USD is another factor. The numbers according to US border counts have been declining since December with February recording roughly 2.2 million people in passenger vehicles entering US border states from Canada which is 500,000 fewer than the month previous.  Statistics Canada has reported that the number of Canadian resident return trips by automobile from the US in February totalled 1.2 million – a 23 percent drop year-over-year.

Canadians have always travelled to the United States for winter getaways and living in the case of Snow Birds.  In general, Canadian proximity to the United States makes leisure and shopping trips convenient especially with border town residents who are more likely to zip over the border for purchases. The most classic phase of this was the well-chronicled cross-border shopping mania of the late 1980s and early 1990s when a relatively high dollar, rising per capita incomes in Canada, a large price difference in gasoline prices and the onset of the GST saw a surge in trips.  In 1988, a total of 51.3 million Canadians returned from trips to the United States (all modes of travel) of which 36.2 million were Same Day Automobile Trips.  These numbers then began to surge dramatically and peaked in 1991 at 79.4 million Total Trips and 59.1 million Same Day Automobile Trips. By 1993, Total Trips had declined down to 66.7 million while Same Day AutomobileTrips had fallen to 48.3 million. 

However, as the two accompanying figures illustrates for All Trips and Same Day Automobile Trips, when monthly data from January 1972 to January 2025 is plotted, the period from 1972 to the early 1990s marks the rise of cross-border travel while the period since has been marked by a long-term decline.  There was a bit of a recovery that accompanied the appreciation of our dollar from 2002 to 2011 but then the decline resumed followed by the precipitous drop of the COVID-19 pandemic.  While there has been a recovery since the pandemic, the totals still have not reached the pre-pandemic highs.  And, with the current trade war induced drop, one expects that we may l soon surpass lows last reached in the early 1970s.

 

 

Of course, the interesting question is what accounts for the decline since the early 1990s.  Naturally, fluctuations in our currency are a factor.  The long-term decline in the growth rate of our per capita income is another factor.  However, what is probably more important is the change in the Canadian retail landscape in the 1990s in the wake of the cross-border shopping surge.  In the 1990s, Canada saw the spread of Sunday Shopping and the arrival of big box retail including Wal-Mart.  All of this created shopping opportunities that reduced the demand for cross-border shopping trips as Canadian retail became more competitive. Going forward, all these factors will pale as a depressant on cross border travel if there is a sustained and deliberate shift in Canadian travel habits away from the United States.

Is Donald Trump Thorstein Veblen's Economic Saboteur?

 

A lot of energy has been expended on trying to make heads or tails of what President Donald Trump is trying to achieve with his political and economic disruption. The constant flurry of pronouncements has been dizzying and have created a great deal of uncertainty particularly for businesses.   As well, a lot of people are probably feeling substantial trepidation and anxiety in the face of 24/7 media coverage of the constant spate of edicts and trolls emanating from the White House.  It is hard not to feel like one has been trapped by evil cyborg villains and rendered helpless and unable to escape from a really bad science fiction movie.

Nevertheless, there are economic changes afoot. The gyrations in international financial and stock markets have been quite large in the face of tariffs and other decisions and while such fluctuations entail losses, they also entail buying opportunities for those with the necessary resources to take advantage of drops.  And its not just financial markets.  While disruptions in production as supply chains founder in the face of tariffs will lead to shortages and unemployment, they will also drive-up prices for whatever stock is available to get to market and raise profits. Perhaps, what is going on here is what an economist of the Institutionalist school named Thorstein Veblen (1857-1929) once chronicled – namely, business people as economic saboteurs rather than producers of wealth.

Veblen was an American economist in the late 19^th and early 20^th centuries who is best known for his book during the gilded age titled The Theory of the Leisure Class which brought into common parlance the term ‘conspicuous consumption’.      Veblen was an able though radical and occasionally bizarre scholar who had some difficulty holding down academic appointments but nevertheless was quite brilliant in his insights. Veblen was a critic of neoclassical economic theory and criticized its status as a “science” as well as what he saw as its static rather than dynamic analysis of how the economy functioned including its views of people as being utility maximizers.  Veblen felt that neoclassical economics did not consider the role of habits and institutions in shaping economic behaviour and that probably explains why in the long run he was embraced more by sociologists rather than economists.

 

Veblen also criticized the neoclassical theory of the production and the firm.  Whereas neoclassical theory saw the producer as striving to meet the demands of the consumer by producing goods and services, another of Veblen’s books titled The Theory of the Business Enterprise portrays the businessman as the 'saboteur' of the economic system. Late nineteenth society was in the throes of industrialization and becoming more mechanized and increasingly dependent on technicians and engineers.  Veblen argued that engineers and technicians concerned themselves with managing 'industrial capital' and were preoccupied with producing goods.  Indeed, this was the concept of modern society and the economy being run by technocrats and a technocracy.  Business owners, on the other hand, were only concerned with what Veblen termed ‘ceremonial capital' - that is, they were interested purely in profits and the gains from financial speculation.  As a result, since business people were only interested in money and profits, they sought to manipulate supplies and cause breakdowns in the flow of output so that windfall profits could be realized. 

Fast forwards to the second quarter of the 21^st century and one finds ensconced in the White House an erstwhile business tycoon and deal maker accompanied by an assortment of other tech lords and business oligarchs who seem hell bent on breaking things and creating their vision of a brave new world.  One wonders as these disruptive edicts and decisions are made that interrupt production and drop stock markets, whether windfall profits are being made in stock and financial transactions as well as by knowing what might be in short supply as tariffs halt or disrupt production.  Far fetched?  As we scratch our heads and eliminate what seems to be one failed rational explanation after another, what are we left with?  Borrowing from Sir Arthur Conan Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes, once as other explanations have been eliminated, what you are left with however odd or improbable must be the truth.