Measuring the Trump Travel Effect

 

Travel by Canadians to the United States has undergone a significant decline in 2025 while other international travel both to and from Canada is up.  According to recent numbers released by Statistics Canada, when it comes to air travel, “In October 2025, 1.3 million passengers were screened for international flights (outside the United States), up sharply compared with one year earlier (+12.0%). Moreover, international passenger traffic was significantly higher in October 2025 (+20.4%) than the pre-pandemic level posted in October 2019. Conversely, transborder passenger traffic (to the United States) in October 2025 decreased year over year for the ninth consecutive month, down 8.9% to 1.2 million, and was 5.7% below the October 2019 level.” Land traffic is also down especially when it comes to the annual snow bird migration to warmer parts of the United States and is expected to continue falling. Moreover, the decline has received substantial international media attention given that it represents a remarkable reversal in the perceived travel relationship between the two countries.

The question that inevitably arises is how much of this drop in Canadian travel to the United States is the result of a deliberate boycott and shift in preferences as a result of the words and actions of U.S. President Donald Trump and how much is due to the usual determinants of cross border travel which include variables like the Canada-US exchange rate. Past surges and declines – the most famous being the late 1980s/early 1990s cross border shopping phase were strongly affected by changes in the exchange rate.  However, after the travel peak reached in the early 1990s, one can also argue that there has been a longer-term decline in total trips by Canadians to the United States.

 

 

Figure 1 plots monthly data stretching back all the way to 1972 on the total trips by Canadians returning from the United States (Data Source: Statistics Canada v1296956586).  Also plotted on the chart is the monthly exchange rate in terms of US dollars per Canadian dollar with a rise indicating an appreciation of the Canadian currency relative to the US dollar and a decline a depreciation. In 1972, the Canadian dollar was near parity with the US dollar and began a depreciation that by the mid 1980s had brought about a 75 cent US Canadian dollar. There then began a rebound that saw the dollar peak at just under 90 cents US that was also accompanied by the massive cross border shopping surge from about 1987 to 1993.  Incidentally, this also coincided with the introduction of the much-despised GST in 1991.  In general, there do seem to be periods of increase in travel during periods of appreciation and decline during periods of depreciation.  However, the Canadian dollar approached parity again briefly circa 2010 and while travel by Canadians to the United States increased, it did not approach the levels of the early 1990s.

A more useful approach to try and sort out the effects of the exchange rate from those of the presence of the US President would be a regression approach. The accompanying table presents results from a quick regression of the log of the monthly level of all return trips from the United States by Canadians from 1972 to 2025 on a set of variables (with STATA as the estimation package).  First, there are quarterly dummies with the first quarter omitted.  Traditionally, trips peak in the summer months and are lower in the winter months particularly for automobile trips, so the months of the winter quarter are omitted. The 12 months in 1991 that coincide with the onset of the federal Goods and Services Tax (GST) are included as a variable.  The exchange rate defined as US dollars per Canadian dollar is included (Source: FRED CCUSSP01CAM650N and Bank of Canada).  One expects that as it goes up (an appreciation), the level of trips should also be greater.

I then include several additional qualitative variables that try to capture shocks that may have affected travel in the 21^st century including a dummy for the September to December period in 2001 that was marked by the 9/11 terror attacks in New York.  The Covid-19 pandemic variable takes on a value of 1 for the months from April 2020 to November 2021 and of course zero otherwise.  President Trump’s first term from January 2017 to January 2021 gets its own dummy variable and of course so does his second term starting in January of 2025.  

 

 

The results? Well, oddly enough, the exchange rate does not appear to be a statistically significant determinant of Canadians travelling to the United States when the span of monthly data from 1972 to 2025 is considered.  This does seem a bit odd though I should add that if the regression is only run from the 1972 to 2000 period (on the seasonal dummies and exchange rate and omitting all the 21^st century shocks) then one gets the expected relationship.  This suggests that Canadians over time may have perhaps gotten used to a 70-cent dollar and their behaviour became more inelastic with respect to its fluctuations when travelling to the US. 

More interesting are the other variables.  The onset of the GST was associated with a 64 percent surge in monthly trips all other things given.  The months associated with the 9/11 Terror attack saw a 36 percent drop.  The COVID-19 pandemic was associated with a collapse in trips in the order of 230 percent, all other things given.  The first Trump term which did not come with as belligerent a tone towards Canada as the second term was not statistically significant in affecting Canada-US travel.  On the other hand, President Trump’s second term to date after controlling for the exchange rate and seasonality is associated with a statistically significant 34 percent drop in total monthly trips by Canadians to the United States.

Of course, this is a very simple specification, and one might want to add things like income and gasoline prices and perhaps even a time trend but as it stands, it explains about 70 percent of the variation in the monthly level of total Canadian trips returning from the United States.

Northern Economist in the Winnipeg Free Press

 

The View from the West

Harper seeking a sustainable Canada

By: Livio Di Matteo

February 13th, 2012

News headlines present what seem to be unconnected stories regarding government initiatives and yet there is an underlying strategy to what any government does. For example, recent weeks have seen the term "sustainability" being applied to describe federal government policies with respect to health transfers and pensions.
At the same time, there have been references to Canada forging new trade links with Asia and Europe. Coupled with all this is the looming federal budget, which is expected to unveil substantial budget cuts.
Linking all these items together is the agenda of Canada's present federal government, which can best be understood as a comprehensive strategy of national sustainability. That is, the pursuit of a strategy that will make Canada economically sustainable for the 21st century.
To borrow a Prairie metaphor, the government's vision is passing the farm on to our children via two policy pillars. First, is restructuring the public finances and second, the pursuit of an economic strategy designed to ensure long-term growth and opportunity by taking our trade eggs out of one basket.
Securing the public finances requires balancing the budget and making sure the national debt begins to decline as the prospect of rising interest rates and debt service costs may squeeze health and social programs.
The sustainability of government spending and elimination of the deficit in the long term requires government spending not rise faster than the resource base.
To this effect, federal health transfers will eventually rise at the rate of GDP growth. As for government pensions, there is ongoing discussion about reforms to Old Age Security to increase the eligibility age and thereby also limit spending. Eliminating the federal deficit primarily through expenditure reduction rather than revenue increases can also be seen as a calculated strategy of fiscal sustainability designed to keep our tax rates low for the purposes of international competitiveness.
Given that one third of our GDP is rooted in the export sector, Canada's economic viability also requires that we seek opportunities to grow our trading relationships. The pursuit of trade opportunities in Asia and Europe represents a long-term strategy to diversify our trade portfolio and is a departure from our monogamous historical trade patterns. First, we had Great Britain as our primary trade partner and directed most of our exports there. Then, we cultivated the United States as our trade partner, which at one point absorbed nearly 80 per cent of our exports.
Reliance on one major market for our goods makes us vulnerable to political and economic shocks. In the case of the U.S., while it represents a convenient and wealthy market for our wares, recent years have seen the Americans become increasingly inward looking and preoccupied with their border to the extent that trade with them has become increasingly more difficult. The shift away from the American market began during the world financial crisis and the Great Recession of 2009. Between 2005 and 2010, the value of exports to the U.S. dropped by 10 per cent and their share of our exports fell from 82 to 73 per cent. Over the same period, exports to the United Kingdom and Europe have grown as well as exports to other OECD countries, China and India. The pursuit of China as a market for Canadian energy also marks a departure from our previous continental approach to energy markets.
The federal government is following in the path of previous governments in crafting an economic strategy to secure Canada's sustainability as a nation. From 1867 to the Second World War, we were dominated by the national policies of land settlement, tariff protection and railway construction, which erected an east-west national space. The period from the end of the Second World War to the 1980s saw the pursuit of trade opportunities with the United States via agreements such as the Auto Pact with increasing dominance of the North American market leading to the 1988 Free Trade Agreement and NAFTA.
We are embarking on a 21st-century strategy of economic diversification with the pursuit of trade and investment opportunities with Asia and Europe. The continental economic vision of guaranteed access to the U.S. market has been increasingly under siege as a result of repeated lumber disputes, tighter border controls, and an economically weaker United States that is more inclined towards protectionism. In the face of these challenges to Canada's economic future, the government response is a strategy to balance the books and to make sure we will not be dependent on one international market for our future economic welfare. Who can really argue with that?

Livio Di Matteo is professor of economics at Lakehead University.

Republished from the Winnipeg Free Press print edition February 13, 2012 A10