Long-Term Municipal Debt in the Northern Ontario Big Five

 

Well, I have been reacquainting myself with municipal debt in Ontario over the last little while culminating in this short piece for the Fraser Institute and a discussion with Jonathan Pinto’s Up North focusing on northern Ontario and Sudbury in particular. There is also this interesting item regarding Farquier-Strickland which suggests that some smaller and more rural Ontario municipal governments are under quite a bit of stress and that large debt loads can have an impact on the long term financial sustainability of municipal finances.  In any event, municipalities going bankrupt in Ontario is something out of the 1930s and most of the current regulations governing municipal finances were a response to the financial turmoil of the Great Depression. 

It turns out that during the Great Depression: “By 1935, 20 percent of Ontario municipal debt was in default (Hillhouse 1936). During the early 1930s, more than 40 Ontario municipalities and school boards defaulted on their obligations.” [Cote and Fenn, 2014]. It is this historical context that haunts some of us as municipalities take on debt even though current debt burdens are well within the debt service requirements of provincial regulation in Ontario and for the most part (Farquier-Strickland excepted I suppose) Ontario municipalities have built up substantial reserves. 

Nevertheless, it is worth monitoring municipal debt levels and the accompanying figure presents the total long-term debt of the big five northern Ontario municipalities from 2000 to 2023 with data obtained from the multi-year reports of the Ontario government’s municipal Financial Information Review.  In 2000, the total debt burden of these five municipalities was relatively closely clustered with Greater Sudbury at $13.3 million, Thunder Bay at $45 million. The Sault and North Bay at $26 million respectively and Timmins close to zero. Things have progressed since then, though for the longest time it was Thunder Bay that was the long-term municipal debt outlier zooming ahead of the others such that by 2008 it peaked at $230 million before coming down somewhat.  Nevertheless, until 2019 it still had the largest total debt of any of the northern Ontario big five.

 

 

Starting in 2019, Greater Sudbury began to ramp up its municipal debt– after a more modest ramping up from 2014 to 2019 – and from 2019 to 2020 went from $70 million to $262 million.  By 2023 it had reached $325 million and is apparently poised by 2027 to reach $600 million. As of 2023, the northern Ontario big five collectively had nearly $700 million in Ontario debt.  With Sudbury’s ramping up to $600 million along with other anticipated expenditures in these other major northern Ontario cities, the total should surpass $1 billion by 2027.  Debt service costs on this debt in the case of Sudbury will likely double from the current 3-4 percent of total own source revenue but remain well within the provincial guideline of no more than 25 percent. Still, all other things given, more money for debt service means less money for current programs.  It is a trade-off that needs to be considered.

Federal Finances in Review

 

The last week has been a chaotic one in Ottawa given the resignation of the finance minister on the eve of the Federal Economic and Fiscal Statement (FES), the turmoil over the Prime Minister’s leadership and the ongoing verbal assaults of President-elect Trump on Canadian sovereignty.  Nonetheless, lost in all of this is that after a considerable delay, there has finally been an update to Canada’s Fiscal Reference Tables (FRT) and Figures 1-4 here provide an overview of both the past (1966-67 to 2023-24) as laid out in the FRT and the future (2024-25 to 2028-29) such as it is laid out in the FES. 

Figure 1 provides a nice snapshot of the federal fiscal footprint – the federal spending to GDP ratio. Over the period of this chart, the federal footprint reached a  maximum of 25.6 percent in 2020-21 during the pandemic. This was of a course an outlier year and if one takes this out, one nevertheless notices that from a low of 13.9 percent in 2013-14, the federal fiscal footprint has gradually drifted upwards notwithstanding the pandemic and in 2022-24 stood at 17 percent.  While not at the level of the 1980s when it exceeded 20 percent, it remains that the federal fiscal footprint both in 2023-24 and going forward to 2028-29 is the largest it has been since the late 1990s and marks a calculated expansion of federal public sector size relative to GDP.

 

 Part of this rising expenditure has been financed via borrowing and in 2023-24 the deficit stood at nearly $62 billion.  From 2023-24 to 2028-29, Canada is forecast to accumulate another $242 billion dollars in deficits bringing the national net debt to $1.549 trillion by 2028-29. Figure 2 plots the deficit to GDP ratio, and it stands at nearly 2 percent for 2023-24 and is forecast to drop to 0.7 percent by 2028-29 – assuming of course that given the deficits projected, nominal GDP growth proceeds at 4 percent annually.  Given the slowdown in the economy that appears to be underway and the likely imposition of US tariffs in 2025, this would appear to be an exceptionally rosy GDP growth forecast.

 

 Figure 3 plots the net debt to GDP ratio, and it began to take a definite upward path starting in 2019-20 when it went to 37 percent from 33 percent the year previous.  It peaked at just over 44 percent in 2022-23 and is only going to come down slowly to about 42 percent by 2028-29.  Now, while up by recent standards, it is nowhere near where it was during the federal fiscal crisis of the 1990s.  Yet, the debt is mounting, and interest rates are higher than they were during the debt and spending spiral of the pandemic and so debt service costs have gone up.

 

 In 2019-20, debt service costs were $24.4 billion representing about 7 percent of federal revenues that year.  For 2024-25 they are anticipated to be more than double at $53.7 billion or 10.8 percent of federal revenues.   By 2028-29, it is projected that annual debt service costs will reach $66.3 billion or 11.3 percent of federal revenues.  As Figure 4 illustrates, we are again nowhere near the numbers of the federal fiscal crisis when well over 30 percent of federal revenues went to service the debt. At the same time, we appear to have settled at a plateau over 10 percent for the foreseeable future and that is money better spent on programs.

 

 In her resignation letter, the outgoing finance minister appeared to have a fiscal epiphany as she noted the need to keep our fiscal powder dry to face the economic challenges coming down the pipeline.  The trends of the last few years suggest that there has been a certain dampness to federal fiscal powder for the last few years that is expected to persist into the future.  While there is still fiscal room to manoeuvre, a large recessionary shock will quickly erode that room given the gradual enrichment of long-term  federal spending via assorted initiatives over the last decade as illustrated by the federal expenditure to GDP ratio. This suggests that dealing with a major recession will be more challenging that it would have been a decade ago.

 

 

 This post originally appeared on the Fraser Institute Blog, March 25th, 2024.

Ontario government’s fiscal history drenched in red ink

— March 25, 2024

The Ford government will table its next budget on Tuesday. But a longer-term perspective on the evolution of Ontario’s government finances provides some important context for today. Since Confederation, Ontario has seen a massive expansion of its revenues, expenditures and debt. And its fiscal performance in terms of balancing its finances has oscillated over the years. Using data from the Finances of the Nation database, assorted Ontario budgets, and the Fiscal Reference Tables, a picture of change and variable fiscal responsibility emerges.

With revenues of $2.3 million and expenditures of $1.2 million in 1868, Ontario had a substantial surplus and no debt. Indeed, substantial surpluses marked much of the pre-Second World War era. By 2023, the Ontario government had spending of $199 billion and revenues of $193 billion for a deficit of nearly $6 billion and a net debt of $400 billion. Ontario government spending on a real per-capita basis was relatively modest from 1867 to 1913 (despite province-building activities such as roads and railroads) and was financed primarily by federal government grants and natural resource revenues from forestry and mining. The period after 1914 saw an expansion of both government spending and revenues that was quite dramatic compared to the prior period, but which paled in comparison with the post-1957 expansion into health, education and social services.

With respect to revenue composition, Ontario gradually shifted from a reliance on natural resource rents and government grants to own-source revenues from income, consumption and other assorted taxes. When compared to the federal government—the only other Canadian government larger than Ontario in terms of total revenues or expenditure—in real per-capita terms Ontario spent less than the federal government until the early 1990s surpassing the Ottawa in 1993 for the first time. By 2020, real per-capita Ontario government spending was actually more than federal real per-capita spending, though the pandemic years saw a reversal.

What’s truly remarkable about Ontario’s finances is its growing reliance on deficit financing since the 1970s. Over the entire 1867 to 2023 period, Ontario ran an operating deficit in 70 out of 157 years or approximately 45 per cent of the time. However, in the first 100 years from Confederation (1867 to 1967) Ontario only ran 22 deficits—that’s 22 per cent of the time. In the fiscal years from 1968 to 2023, Ontario ran 48 deficits in 55 years—or deficits 87 per cent of the time. Deficits have gone from being a temporary departure for exceptional times to a near permanent device.

The accompanying charts plot Ontario’s deficits, its deficit-to-GDP ratio, its net debt and its net debt-to-GDP ratio from 1960 to the present. The first chart illustrates that Ontario maintained its largely balanced budget approach to its finances for most of the 1960s but incurred deficits in the 1970s.

Its three largest deficits were in 2010 ($19.3 billion), 2011 ($17.3 billion) and 2021 ($16.4 billion). As a share of GDP, the second chart illustrates that Ontario’s three largest deficits were in 1992 (3.7 per cent), 1993 (4.1 per cent) and 1994 (3.5 per cent). Ontario’s pandemic deficit peak in 2021 came in at 1.7 per cent placing it lower than some of the deficits of the 1970s and early 1980s.

Deficits plus interest eventually result in accumulated debt and Ontario like other provinces has added to that by borrowing for capital spending on top of its operating deficit. As the final chart shows, in 1960 Ontario had a net debt of $994 million and net debt-to-GDP ratio of 6 per cent. Today, net debt tops $400 billion and the net debt-to-GDP ratio is about 36 per cent. The profiles for net debt and net debt-to-GDP suggest Ontario’s net debt has grown in three phases.

The accumulation of net debt takes off in the mid 1970s, then accelerates in the 1990s and accelerates yet again after 2008. These periods of acceleration have all coincided with periods of economic slowdown or recession in the province—the low growth stagflation era of the 1970s, the recession of the early 1990s and recession/financial crisis era of 2007 to 2009. In each of these periods of distress, deficits mounted, yet even when the economy and revenues began to recover, spending growth and deficits continued. In essence, the Ontario government ran deficits during bad times and better times, giving a fiscal dimension to the provincial motto “Loyal She Remains.”

As Ontario moves forward from the pandemic era, it remains to be seen if the government will rein in perpetual deficit financing and halt debt accumulation, or if the government will embark on yet another cycle of mounting debt. In many respects, the government has continued to spend at a rate well above its economic ability and performance. Key to the issue is Ontario’s productivity lag, which has resulted in slow growth relative to the rest of the country. If the Ford government continues to spend as if Ontario was still experiencing the high growth rates of an earlier era, that’s not a sound recipe for fiscal responsibility.

Interest and Debt

 

Wednesday's Bank of Canada rate increase reminds us once again that the era of cheap money is over not just for consumers and business but also governments. One of the notable features of the pandemic response in Canada was the enormous amount of federal fiscal stimulus injected into the economy.  Federal spending rose from $363 billion in fiscal 2019-20 to reach $639 billion in 2020-21 – an increase of 73 percent.  It then began to subside going down to $480 billion as reported in Budget 2023 but is set to resume an upward trend and reach $556 billion by 2027-28.  As of the 2022-23 fiscal year, federal spending is 37 percent higher than going into the pandemic meaning an average annual increase in spending of about 12 percent.  This has been funded by deficits which in turn have increased the federal net debt dramatically going from $813 billion in 2019-20 to $1.3 trillion by 2022-23 and is expected to reach just over $1.4 trillion by 2027-28.

 

The long-term implications of this spending and debt surge are of course debt service costs. As a result of recent interest rate increases, they are about to become in nominal terms the largest, they have ever been.  Using data from the federal Fiscal Reference Tables and Budget 2023, Figure 1 plots both the total annual amount of federal debt charges paid as well as the annual percent increase for the period 2000 to 2022 and then as forecast until 2028.  What is evident at a glance is that until 2021, annual debt charges had been on a downward trend falling from nearly $44 billion in 2011 to $20.4 billion in 2021.  Since then, they have soared growing 20 percent in 2022 and forecast at 41 percent and 27 percent growth in 2023 and 2024 respectively before subsiding.  Indeed, by 2028, annual debt service costs are anticipated under the current forecast to reach over $50 billion which surpasses even the peaks reached in the 1990s. 

 

 

 

Now of course, as a share of total federal government spending, these debt charges may seem less alarming as at less than ten percent of total expenditure, they are modest relative to peaks of nearly 30 percent or more in the 1990s and 1930s. However, it should be noted that the share of total federal government spending going to debt service more than doubled between 2021 and 2023 rising from 3.2 to 7.2 percent and is expected to keep rising to just over 9 percent by 2028.  Nothing to worry about you might think?  However, it all depends on what happens to interest rates.  The fact remains that not surprisingly there is a strong correlation between the growth rate of federal debt charges and the effective interest rate on the net federal debt.

 

 

 

Figure 2 plots the annual percent change in federal debt charges against the effective interest rate on the net debt since 1867 (calculated as debt charges divided by net debt) using data from A Federal Fiscal History, the federal Fiscal Reference Tables and Budget 2023.  With a linear trend fitted, there is a definite positive correlation that has a bigger impact than you might think.  On average, a one percentage point increase in the rate of interest is associated with a nearly two percent increase in debt charges.  Given such sensitivity, it is not a surprise that debt charges have doubled since 2021.  And the current situation is anything but average given the enormous stock of nominal debt meaning that even with the staggering of long-term government bond debt issue, small interest rate increases can have large increases in government debt interest costs.  Moreover, with the anemic real GDP growth forecasts and an increase in interest rates, the long-term sustainability of the federal fiscal position becomes more of an issue.  We are in for interesting times.